One of the big questions relating to the early railways is
how many employees came from other transportation industries. The results above
reveal that the number was small and only ten had been involved in such
businesses (2.50%). The ten were constituted of two mariners, five coachmen,
one carman, one letter carrier and one currier. What is interesting about the
ten is that there were no individuals who had worked in the canals. Indeed, apart from the mariners (and possible
the carman), it seems that most had been working for themselves. Coachmen, particularly, were seeing the
railways as a chance to improve their fortunes in the greatest number.
Furthermore, it also seems that there was no pattern as
to when ex-transport workers joined the railway, and in each of the six periods
I have split the years between 1837 and 1860 into (see above) there are always
at least one individual joining the department. The only pattern that has been
discerned is the types of jobs that the men went into. Eight of the ten went
into the secondary labour market (with low weekly pay, low job security and few
promotional prospects), becoming Porters (3), Guards (1), Pointsmen (1), Ticket
Collectors (2) and Police Constables (1). However, only two joined the
company’s primary labour market (with high job security, promotional prospects
and good pay), one becoming a Station Master and another becoming a station
agent. Indeed, these individuals were the mariners, clearly indicating that their
prior jobs were perceived as being more skilled and that their education made
them suitable for administrative posts. Therefore, this further reveals, as the
last post did, that employment patterns before the railways came into existed
determined how the L&NWR appointed individuals to posts.
Ex-servants constituted a large number of the sample,
with fifty-seven of the 400 being employed as such (14.25%) before coming to
the railway. Of these two had been butlers, one was a footman, six had been
grooms, thirteen were listed as having been in ‘Gentlemen’s service,’ while
thirty-four were simply described as servants. There seems to be no pattern as
to when they joined the railway. In the years between 1837 and 1839 they made
up 9.09% of those joining the department. In the early 1840s, however, none
joined, but in the late 1840s they constituted a massive 19.05%. In the early
1850s the proportion dropped to 8.93%, then rose 16% in the late 1850s and
24.59% in 1860. Thus, the evidence implies that the labour market changed. Before
the railways domestic service was the largest employing sector of the economy.
However, as shown, when the railways came along they took over this mantle and
many people saw them as means to obtain better employment prospects.
Most of the servants went into the secondary labour
market. However, it is interesting that large numbers were in the positions that
had a public service focus (and which were cleaner). Thus, twenty-seven became
porters, three became ticket collectors and nine became police constables. Therefore,
there was a clear link between the types of occupations individuals did before
they came to the railway and the positions they took up within the L&NWR.
This is reinforced by the fact that the Butler, an individual who was a ‘club
servant’ (whatever that is) and a man who was in a ‘gentleman’s servant’ were
the only three who went into the primary labour market as an Agent, Clerk and
an Assistant Agent respectively. Thus, because two of these seemed to have been
servants of a higher status, and one may have been, they were accordingly given
jobs in the railway that were of similar standing.
Lastly, the forty-one skilled craftsmen were in the
sample, and had been occupied in twenty-eight different professions including Tin-Plate
Workers, Brassfounders, Shoemakers, Brickmakers and Weavers. Proportionately,
skilled craftsmen were the largest group of individuals joining the railway in
the period 1837 to 1839, constituting 27.27% of them. Thereafter, their
contribution hovered around 10% in each of the remaining periods. I am
uncertain what this suggests, and because the sample size for the period
between 1837 and 1839 is only twenty-two, the figure may be artificially high.
Furthermore, unlike the other areas of the economy, where
individuals’ jobs before they came to the railway affected their position
within it, the correlation in the case of the skilled craftsmen was not as
strong. The craftsmen took up positions in both the primary and secondary
labour markets. Given that the majority of individuals had at least a fair
education given their professions, it would suggests that the L&NWR was not
just assigning individuals to their posts based on their prior occupations, but
also on their ability to undertake their responsibilities.
Overall, I have not been able to reveal in these three
posts all the information that I have discovered. However, a number of
interesting things have been revealed about recruitment in the early L&NWR’s.
Firstly, its Traffic Department recruited heavily from its engineering sections,
suggesting that the completion of lines and the subsequent unemployment this brought
for some, allowed the company to choose from known staff. Furthermore, there were
not a great number of individuals who worked previously in either the military
or other transportation industries, as has always been suspected. Lastly, the
jobs that individuals received from the railway company were closely correlated
to the level of skill and education that were required for their original
occupations.
This is by no means a complete study, and there are over
300 pages in the document that haven’t been surveyed. Thus, I hope to do this
at some point and give an even better picture of early railway recruitment.
Nyc info..
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